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The Reagan presidency was famous for its declaration of morning in America, no matter what time of day it was. And the man in charge of reminding the public that the sun was always on the horizon was Reagan's longtime deputy chief of staff Michael Deaver. In early 2001, Deaver told Bob about the techniques he used to shape the media coverage of his boss.
In 1982, The New York Times reported on a massacre that had taken place at the hands of American-trained counterinsurgency forces in the Salvadoran village of El Mozote. But the Reagan administration insisted that no massacre had taken place, and eventually The Times, under pressure from the administration, reassigned the reporter who had broken the story. Journalist Robert Parry, who first reported many aspects of the Iran-Contra Affair, tells Brooke that it was just one example of how the Reagan administration discouraged unfavorable coverage of its policies in Central America.
In these polarized times, the politically savvy find allies wherever they can. College campuses are usually regarded as hotbeds of liberalism, but conservatives also see them as fertile ground. Since 1979, the Leadership Institute has trained 30,000 students to be conservative political operatives. The Virginia-based think tank hosts seminars, classes and internships, and offers lessons in everything from candidate development to starting college newspapers. On the Media's Sarah Lemanczyk reports.
Karl Rove is often regarded as the second most powerful man in the White House. Except by those who see him as the most powerful man in the White House. That's certainly the assessment of Joe Mealey and Michael Paradies Shoob, the makers of a new documentary called "Bush's Brain." Brooke talks to the filmmakers about Rove's brilliant - if blood-stained - career in politics.
Last November reporter Scott Armstrong told On the Media that the coverage of the run up to war had been overcautious because of Congressional passivity. Congress, he said is supposed to act as a kind of anvil, providing the pegs for stories in which journalists could hammer out the truth. Without Congress, reporters had to initiate investigations, and risk being charged with bias. In the nervous days post 9-11, it rarely happened. The wind seems to have changed and now there are Congressional commissions and investigations galore. Scott Armstrong is back to talk with Brooke about whether new Congressional activity is giving journalists a place to hang their hats.
Since the Bush Administration rolled into office, Secretary of State Colin Powell has remained by far its most popular member. Sympathetic observers commonly attribute Powell's positive ratings to his up-by-the-bootstraps personal story, his straight-talking manner, and his reputation as a "good soldier." But might Powell's own calculating maneuvers be just as responsible for his media image? Brooke takes a closer look at the reality and representation of Colin Powell.
Last week, Tony Blair met with President Bush in Washington, just as Guatemalan president Oscar Berger is scheduled to do next week. But word of both meetings came not from the White House, but from the governments who are doing the visiting. By now, White House reporters are used to looking abroad for scoops on their own beat, as Washington Post correspondent Dana Milbank tells Brooke.
On the domestic front, the media event of the week came on Tuesday, when President Bush faced reporters in a rare prime-time press conference. Bush came prepared with a 17-minute speech, but journalists were also prepared with a list of questions that they hoped would derail POTUS from his litany of practiced phrases and self-assured statements. Little was revealed about the White House's plans for Iraq, but the event did illuminate significant changes in the ways that President and the White House press corps regard each other. Brooke speaks with New Yorker media writer Ken Auletta.
